·¡á¹¢á¹¬´¡á¸´R (ESTAḴR, STAḴR), city and district in ancient Persia (FÄrs).
ii. As a Zoroastrian Religious Center.
Eá¹£á¹aḵr is situated in the narrow valley of the PolvÄr River, between the north flank of the KÅ«h-e Raḥmat and the cliffs of Naqš-e Rostam. It stands near the point where the valley opens into the broad plain of Marvdašt (q.v.), extending before the Persepolis platform. In origin, Eá¹£á¹aḵr was presumably a suburb of the urban settlement once surrounding the Achaemenid royal residences, but of which few traces now survive. After the death of Seleucus I (280 B.C.), when the province began to re-assert its independence, its center seems to have developed at Eá¹£á¹aḵr, better protected than the old capital by the surrounding hills, and astride the critical “winter road” from FÄrs to Isfahan via Pasargadae and Ä€bÄda. The name, Pahl. stxl (e.g., Markwart, Provincial Capitals, p. 19), believed to mean “strong(hold),” was presumably transferred to the new site from the Persepolis platform, according to Ernst Herzfeld in the OP form *Parsa-staxra “stronghold of PÄrs.” He interprets certain Aramaic characters, PR BR, appearing on coins of the so-called “Fratadara” Kings of Persis (q.v.), as an abbreviation of Aram. prsʾ byrtʾ “the Fortress of PÄrsa.” This could be the Aramaic equivalent of the preceding Old Persian words, denoting Eá¹£á¹aḵr as the mint of such issues.
The nucleus of the subsequent city thus lay on the south and east side of the PolvÄr River, within city walls traceable in air photographs and on the ground (Plate I). Masonry remains and columns at the point where the Isfahan road from Persepolis rounds the end of the KÅ«h-e Raḥmat and enters the PolvÄr valley apparently represent an Achaemenian gate and check-point controlling travel on this route. On the rising city-mound east of this point stands a nineteenth-century mud-brick enclosure known as Taḵt-e TÄwÅ«s, and a number of Achaemenid columns, re-used in a medieval mosque. Excavations by Erich Schmidt in 1932 and 1934 included several sondages in this area, and also near the center, and towards the western edge of the urban site, but failed to locate Achaemenid deposits. No doubt the town flourished from 265 B.C.E. to 200 C.E., under the Persis kings, whose capital is believed to have been here; and, from A.D. 208, under the Sasanians, when it was the principal city and religious center of the province, but not normally a royal residence.
Closely associated with Eá¹£á¹aḵr was the religious precinct of Naqš-e Rostam (q.v.) on the far side of the valley (Plate II). This was the location of the Achaemenid royal tombs, of important Sasanian rock-sculptures, and of funeral installations (»å²¹á¸µm²¹s). Beyond this spot, on the open Marvdašt Plain, stand three prominent bluffs known as Seh GonbadÄn “The Three Domes.” That nearest to Eá¹£á¹aḵr was heavily fortified, and in Islamic times as no doubt earlier regularly served as the inviolable treasury of the rulers of Eá¹£á¹aḵr, designated QalÊ¿a-ye Eá¹£á¹aḵr, “The Castle of Eá¹£á¹aḵr,” or Eá¹£á¹aḵr-YÄr, “The Friend of Eá¹£á¹aḵr.” The cold climate at its crest produced accumulations of snow, which melted into a cistern contained by a powerful dam, built by Ê¿Ażod-al-Dawla to retain water for the garrison. According to Ebn al-Zobayr (pp. 78-79), the Buyid AbÅ« KÄlÄ«jÄr (see below) ascended the castle accompanied by his son and a valuer, finding a tank eighty cubits long, wide and deep, piled high with silver, and chambers full of priceless gems.
The last appearance of Eá¹£á¹aḵr in numismatics was upon the unique dinar issued in 455/1063 by an obscure Saljuq prince of FÄrs, RasÅ«ltegÄ«n, where it indicates the castle rather than the city. It seems likely that the treasures of QalÊ¿a-ye Eá¹£á¹aḵr included the legacies of earlier dynasties, to judge by the statement of Ebn al-Aṯīr (X, 36), that when Alp ArslÄn (q.v.) captured the castle in 459/1066-67, its governor handed over to him a turquoise cup inscribed with the name of the mythical king JamšÄ«d. The two further bluffs were those of QalÊ¿a-ye Šekasta, used as the textile store, and QalÊ¿a-ye OškonvÄn, for the armory. These fortresses, now seemingly distant from the urban area, were in medieval times and earlier regarded as within the greater city of Eá¹£á¹aḵr. The city reached its heyday in the Sasanian period, and its mint-abbreviation, ST, for Staxr (Staḥr), is frequent throughout the Sasanian coinage from the reign of BahrÄm V (A.D. 420-438), until the end of the dynasty. These mint operations were of course evidence of substantial economic activity.
With the Arab conquest of FÄrs, the invaders at first made their headquarters at BayÅ¼Ä on the Marvdašt plain. In 28/648-49 under Ê¿Abd-AllÄh b. Ê¿Ä€mer (q.v.), Eá¹£á¹aḵr was taken by capitulation. After a further rising it had to be retaken by force in the following year, with heavy loss of life to the population. The city long remained a stronghold of Zoroastrianism. As a mint it is well represented in the Arab-Sasanian and Reformed Umayyad coinage, apparently without further involvement in major events: Arab-Sassanian: 31 H; for ZÄ«Äd b. AbÄ« SofyÄn, 51 H, 54 H; for Ê¿Obayd-AllÄh b. ZÄ«Äd 52 (?) , 59 (AE), 60 61 ; for Ê¿Abd-AllÄh b. al-Zobayr 63 or 66; for Ê¿Omar b. Ê¿Obayd-AllÄh 69-71(?); for Mohallab 78 , 79 (or 69?). Reformed coinage: 79-102; Ê¿Abbasids 135-67. During the Ê¿Abbasid period, the economic and political center of FÄrs gradually shifted to Shiraz, but Eá¹£á¹aḵr still figures in accounts of the wars between the Saffarids and the caliphal governors in FÄrs. Here Ê¿Amr b. Layṯ defeated the forces of MusÄ Mofleḥī on 16 Ḏu’l-ḥejja 276/11 April 890 (TÄrīḵ-e SÄ«stÄn, p. 247; tr. Gold p. 196). The last coin attributed to Eá¹£á¹aḵr (cf. von Zambaur, p. 49) is a supposedly Dolafid issue of 282/895-96. There is, however, uncertainty about the coin-issues with the mint-name FÄrs, continuous between 202 and 299 and attributed by Eduard von Zambaur to Shiraz, yet overlapping issues of Shiraz in the years 272, 273, 277, 279, 280, 283, 291, 292, 299, 312, 331, and 384. Some or all of these may, in fact, represent unrecognized issues of Eá¹£á¹aḵr. According to his inscriptions in the TaÄara, the Buyid Ê¿Ażod-al-Dawla visited Persepolis in 344/955-56. The celebrated, if disputed, gold medal, dated FÄrs 359/969-70, and illustrating this amir in a Sasanian type crown, could also represent an issue of Eá¹£á¹aḵr, whether from the city or the castle. According to Ebn al-Balḵī (p. 127), breaches of their covenant (including that of 28/648-49 noticed above) had led to several massacres of the population at Eá¹£á¹aḵr. Finally, in the closing years of AbÅ« KÄlÄ«jÄr (i.e. Ê¿EmÄd-al-DÄ«n MarzobÄn, 415-40/1024-48; not, as sometimes said, á¹¢amá¹£Äm-al-Dawla) the enmity of a vizier towards a landowner caused him to send against the town troops under the amir Qotlomeš, who demolished and pillaged the remaining buildings, leaving the city a mere village with no more than a hundred inhabitants, and bringing its history to an end.
Bibliography (for cited works not given in detail or found in this bibliography, see “Short References”): M. Bahrami, “A Gold Medal in the Freer Gallery of Art,” in G. C. Miles, ed., Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld, New York, 1952, pp. 17-18 and Pl. I, 02a-b. L. Bier, “A Sculpted Building Block from Istakhr,” AMI 16, 1983, pp. 307-16. E. Herzfeld, Archaeological history of Iran, London, 1935, pp. 45-48. Ebn-al-Balḵī, p. 32, 127. Aḥmad b. al-RašÄ«d Ebn Zobayr, KetÄb al-á¸akÄʾer wa’l-toḥaf, ed. M. ḤamÄ«d-AllÄh, Kuwait, 1959. Le Strange, Lands, pp. 275-76 (with minor misunderstandings). N. M. Lowick, “A Gold Coin of RasÅ«ltegÄ«n, Seljuk Ruler in FÄrs,” Numismatic Chronicle, 1968, pp. 225-30. G. C. Miles, Excavation Coins from the Persepolis Region, New York, 1959, pp. 2-8, 1984. E. F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis and Other Discoveries in the Homeland of the Achaemenians, Chicago, 1939, pp. 105-21. Idem, Flights over ancient cities of Iran, Chicago, 1940, pp. 12-16 and pl. 8-12. D. Whitcomb, “The City of Istakhr and the Marv Dasht Plain,” in Akten des VII. Internationalen Kongresses für Iranische Kunst und Archäologie, München, 7-10 September 1976, Berlin, 1979, pp. 363-70. E. von Zambaur, Die Münzprägungen des Islams, Wiesbaden, 1968, s.v. Iá¹£á¹akhr, ShirÄz and FÄrs.
(A. D. H. Bivar)
ii. AS A ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS CENTER
The religious importance of Eá¹£á¹aḵr was marked in the 4th century B.C.E. by the setting up at Persepolis by Artaxerxes II (q.v.) of one of his statues to Anaitis (Berossus 3.65; see ANÄ€HĪD). Other instances show that “at” in this context need mean no more than “near” (Boyce and Grenet, Zoroastrianism, p. 203), and that these statues were regularly placed within temples. Artaxerxes’ foundation may, therefore, reasonably be identified with the temple whose imposing ruins, “about one parasang from the town of Eá¹£á¹aḵr” were visited by MasÊ¿Å«dÄ« in the 10th century C. E. It stood, he recorded, at the foot of a mountain, where the imprisoned wind made a noise like thunder, night and day, and where he saw, still standing, “pillars, made from blocks of astonishing size, surmounted by curious figures in stone representing horses and other animals, of gigantic shapes and proportions.” Around these remains was “a vast empty space enclosed by a strong stone wall, covered with bas-reliefs very elegantly and gracefully wrought” (²Ñ´Ç°ùÅ«Âá, ed. Pellat, sec. 1403). This ruined temple was probably the original Achaemenid building, which had doubtless been pillaged by Macedonians and been subsequently restored and further embellished under the Sasanians. MasÊ¿Å«dÄ« records the tradition that it had originally been an “idol-temple,” converted into one of fire by HomÄy, the legendary predecessor of the Achaemenid dynasty. In fact it was presumably at the beginning of the Sasanian period, or a little earlier, that the Zoroastrian iconoclastic movement (Boyce, 1975; Boyce and Grenet, Zoroastrianism, p. 66, n. 71) caused the cult-image of AnÄhÄ«d to be replaced by a sacred fire, which MasÊ¿Å«dÄ« characterized as “one of the most venerated of Zoroastrian fires.” The association with AnÄhÄ«d persisted, however, and ṬabarÄ« (I, p. 814) says that the sanctuary was known as “the house of AnÄhÄ«d’s fire” (bayt nÄr AnÄhÄ«á¸).
The wardenship of this temple was evidently a prestigious office, which according to tradition was held at one time by SÄsÄn, eponymous ancestor of the Sasanian dynasty (ṬabarÄ«, p. 814). He is said to have married into the family of the BÄzrangÄ«s (q.v.), vassals of the Arsacids, who were ruling at Eá¹£á¹aḵr in the early 3rd century. Subsequently ArdašÄ«r I is reputed to have sent to “the house of AnÄhÄ«d’s fire” the heads of enemies slain in his early campaigns, and in 340 ŠÄbuhr II had the heads of Christians suspended there (ṬabarÄ«, I, p. 819; Christensen, Iran Sass., p. 166, n. 4). Among the honors conferred on the great Sasanian high priest, KirdÄ“r, by BahrÄm II (276-93) were the offices of master of ceremonies (ŧ·Éŧ²Ô²ú±ð»å, q.v.) and warden (±èÄå»å¾±³æ&²õ³¦²¹°ù´Ç²Ô;Äå²â) of “fire(s) at Staḵr of AnÄhÄ«d-ArdašÄ«r and AnÄhÄ«d the Lady,” Ädur Ä« anÄhÄ«d ardaxšÄ«r ud anÄhÄ«d Ä« bÄnÅ«g (KirdÄ“r, KZ, l. 8). Considering how great were the other privileges and powers enjoyed by KirdÄ“r, these appointments, proudly recorded by him, attest the immense regard in which these sacred fires of Eá¹£á¹aḵr were held. Since BÄnÅ« (Lady) is a cult-epithet of AnÄhÄ«d (see EIr. I, p. 1005), the second fire named was evidently that of the Achaemenid foundation. The first, whose name lacks satisfactory explanation, was probably that of “the fire-house which is called that of ArdašÄ«r,” where the nobles of EsÂá¹aḵr had Yazdegerd III crowned in 632 (ṬabarÄ«, I, p. 1067); and it is likely to be this same temple, described as having round pillars with bull capitals, which was subsequently converted into the chief mosque of Muslim Eá¹£á¹aḵr, standing in the town’s ²úÄå³úÄå°ù (MoqaddasÄ«, p. 436). MasÊ¿Å«dÄ« (²Ñ´Ç°ùÅ«Âá, ed. Pellat, sec. 1403) says that, before AnÄhÄ«d’s temple was ruined, its fire was taken away, and it has been argued that this was one of the two exalted fires which were eventually carried to safe obscurity in ŠarÄ«fÄbÄd near Yazd, where it burns to this day (Boyce, Stronghold, pp. 2-3).
In Sasanian times the royal treasury (ganj Ä« šÄhÄ«gÄn; Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems, 2nd ed., pp. xlii-xliii, 230-31; Shaki, p. 115, n. 2; Boyce and Grenet, Zoroastrianism, p. 78, n. 59) appears to have been in Eá¹£á¹aḵr. It is frequently mentioned in the ¶Ùŧ²Ô°ì²¹°ù»å and MÄdayÄn Ä« hazÄr dÄdestÄn, for among its contents were books, sacred and profane. In the later Sasanian period these would undoubtedly have included one of the rare copies of the Great Avesta, possibly that from which the whole existing Avestan manuscript tradition derives (EIr. III, p. 36). In 303/915-16, MasÊ¿Å«dÄ« (°Õ²¹²Ô²úÄ«³ó, p. 106) saw in the house of a great Persian noble at Eá¹£á¹aḵr the large and very fine manuscript of a work copied in 113/731 from documents in the royal treasury, including, according to his description, the °ÕÄåÂá-²ÔÄå³¾²¹ (Christensen, Iran Sass., pp. 67-69.).
In spite of its religious importance, Eá¹£á¹aḵr is rarely mentioned by name in the Zoroastrian writings.
Bibliography (for works not cited in detail see “Short References”):
M. Boyce, “Iconoclasm among the Zoroastrians,” Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty, ed. J. Neusner, Leiden, 1975, IV, pp. 93-111.
Nöldeke, Geschichte der Perser, pp. 4, 17, 397.
K. Schippmann, Die iranischen Feuerheiligtümer, Berlin and New York, 1971, pp. 200-203.
M. Shaki, “The ¶Ùŧ²Ô°ì²¹°ù»å Account of the History of the Zoroastrian Scriptures,” Archív Orientálni, 1981, pp. 114-25.
Plate I. Aerial view of Eá¹£á¹aḵr. Oriental Institute aerial survey of Iran field negative AE-57. Courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago.
Plate II. Aerial view of Naqš-e Rostam. Oriental Institute aerial survey of Iran field negative AE-278. Courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago.
(A. D. H. Bivar, Mary Boyce)
Originally Published: December 15, 1998
Last Updated: January 19, 2012
This article is available in print.
Vol. VIII, Fasc. 6, pp. 643-646