¶Ù°¿¸é¸éÄ€±·Äª (sg. DorrÄnay), probably the most numerous Pashtun tribal confederation, from which all Afghan dynasties since 1160/1747 have come. It has always played a leading role in modern Afghan politics (Yusufzai; see AFGHANISTAN x).
Tribal composition. The DorrÄnÄ« confederation is a political grouping of ten Pashtun tribes of various sizes, which are further organized in two leagues of five tribes each. The PanjpÄy (or PanjpÄw) league includes three major tribes, the Ê¿AlÄ«³úÄ«, ·¡²õḥÄq³úÄ« (or simply SÄk³úÄ«), and NÅ«r³úÄ«, as well as two minor ones, the MÄkųúÄ« (known as MÄkÅhÄ« until the mid-19th century, sometimes simply MÄkÅ) and ḴÅgÄnÄ« (or ḴawgÄnÄ«/ḴagwÄnÄ«, not to be confused with the ḴÅgÄ«ÄnÄ« of eastern Afghanistan). The ZÄ«rak (or JÄ«rak) league includes the MastÄ«³úÄ« (an unimportant group, called MÅ«sijúÄ« by ḤayÄt Khan), Al(e)kųúÄ«, PÅpal³úÄ« (or FÅfal³úÄ«), and µþÄå°ù²¹°ì³úÄ«, with the latter’s offshoot the Acak³úÄ« (cf. Glatzer, 1983, p. 220, quoting an Acakzay version of the story in which the µþÄå°ù²¹°ì³úÄ« are said to be descended from the Acak³úÄ«; see ´¡°äÆŽ°´ÜĪ). The political leadership of the confederation has always belonged to the ZÄ«rak league, shifting between the PÅpal³úÄ« and µþÄå°ù²¹°ì³úÄ«. Affiliations with tribe and confederation are the only ones currently in use; the leagues, though consistently mentioned in local chronicles, are never referred to spontaneously, and it remains to be ascertained whether they have ever functioned as autonomous political bodies.
In the genealogical idiom of the Pashtuns the confederation reputedly encompasses tribes descended from a common patrilinear ancestor, AbdÄl (Awdal), who himself, it is further claimed, was descended from Qays Ê¿Abd-al-RašÄ«d, the ultimate ancestor of all Pashtun tribes (481
34); hence the original name of the confederation, ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« (or AwdalÄ«; cf. Dorn, p. 257), later changed to DorrÄnÄ« (see below). The initial heterogeneity of the confederation is reflected, however, in both its tribal terminology and genealogical organization. Although ZÄ«rak/JÄ«rak (Pashto “intelligent”), the sobriquet for SolaymÄn II (Leech, p. 450; ḤayÄt Khan, tr., table), is claimed as a common ancestor for all tribes of the ZÄ«rak league (a denomination like *ZÄ«rakÄ« would be more likely), PanjpÄy simply means “five legs” (i.e., “five septs”) and refers to the grouping of five independent tribes, without reference to a common ancestor. Moreover, the PanjpÄy tribes MÄkÅhÄ« and ḴÅgÄnÄ« lack the typical Pashto suffix -³úÄ« (sg. -zay “tribe”), which supports the tradition that they were allogeneous tribes (Ferrier, p. 11; ḤayÄt Khan, tr., table and p. 67, referring to a tradition that the ḴÅgÄnÄ« are descended from AbdÄl’s second wife while the “MÄkÅ” are truly an “adopted” tribe; cf. McMahon, who reported a tradition that the ḴÅgÄnÄ« and MÄkÅ are descended from the same father; Table 35); such genealogical imprecision generally typifies a process of adoption. It must also be stressed that the AdųúÄ« tribe, though reputedly descended from AbdÄl, does not seem to have ever been clearly included in the confederation (cf., however, ḤayÄt Khan, tr., p. 64, claiming that it is incorporated in the Ê¿AlÄ«³úÄ«), reinforcing the idea that the confederation was originally of a political, rather than a genealogical, nature.
No serious estimate of the present strength of the various DorrÄnÄ« tribes is available, but collectively they may include at least 2 million people. Earlier tentative estimates are conflicting and unreliable, though suggesting that the NÅ«r³úÄ« and µþÄå°ù²¹°ì³úÄ« were, and probably still are, the two largest DorrÄnÄ« tribes (Table 36). The whole confederation reputedly comprised 60,000 families in the time of NÄder Shah (1148-60/1736-47), but this figure does not seem to have included the many nomadic components (Elphinstone, p. 400).
History. The origin of the DorrÄnÄ« confederation has not clearly been determined. A proposed connection between the name ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« and the ancient Hephthalite dynasty seems extremely tenuous (Masson, I, p. xiii). According to some traditions, the ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« tribes entered southern Afghanistan (from ḠÅr?) in the early 15th century (Taá¸kerÄt al-molÅ«k, tr., p. 13). The earliest mention of a confederation by that name dates from the 16th century, when Shah Ê¿AbbÄs I (996-1038/1588-1629) bestowed supreme command of it upon the chief of the PÅpalzay tribe (Elphinstone, p. 397; Malcolm, II, pp. 410-11). This report suggests that some kind of political union had already been achieved among the ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« tribes, perhaps in order to fight against rival tribes like the YÅ«sof³úÄ«, Mohmand, and others that they successfully expelled from Arachosia at that time (cf. TÄrīḵ-e moraṣṣaÊ¿), and that the Safavid state was simply institutionalizing it.
At about the same time the ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« were mentioned as a sheep-herding (i.e., nomadic) “tribe” living, at least partly, east of QandahÄr (Āʾīn-e akbarÄ«, tr. Blochmann, II, p. 403). In the mid-17th century ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« “tribes” were again reported living near QandahÄr (Ê¿EnÄyat Khan, p. 484). Driven from that area by Ḡilzay pressure in the early 18th century, the ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« (or at least part of them) then took refuge in “the mountains of Herat” (ḤayÄt Khan, tr., pp. 61, 67; Leech, p. 467), whence they fought against the Persians, gained control of Herat, raided in Khorasan, and “in the course of a very few years greatly increased in numbers” (Ferrier, p. 30), suggesting that outsiders were joining the confederation en masse. NÄder Shah managed to bring them under control, however, and raised from their ranks a contingent of 12,000 cavalry under the command of an Ê¿AlÄ«zay chief (Ferrier, p. 67). At NÄder Shah’s death they felt strong enough to proclaim their independence. At a jerga (assembly of elders) held at the holy shrine of ŠÄ“r-e Sorḵ, 5 km southeast of QandahÄr, they elected as their supreme chief Aḥmad Khan, a young member of the SadųúÄ« clan of the PÅpal³úÄ« tribe, son of an Al(e)kÅzay mother; soon after he was formally crowned as Aḥmad Shah (1160/1747).
It was on that occasion that the name of the confederation was changed to incorporate the royal title dorr-e dorrÄn (pearl of pearls, i.e., primus inter pares), allegedly referring to “the distinctive custom of the ´¡²ú»åÄå±ôÄ« tribe of wearing a small pearl studded ring in the right ear”; Bellew, p. 31). The DorrÄnÄ« were thus explicitly supporters of the king, as were the so-called “Bar DorrÄnÄ«” (upper DorrÄnÄ«), a now obsolete designation for several eastern Pashtun tribes unconnected with the DorrÄnÄ« proper (Elphinstone, p. 325). From that time on the history of the DorrÄnÄ« effectively coincides with the history of the Afghan state. Unlike most other Pashtun tribes they have generally remained loyal to the dynasties sprung from their ranks and have only seldom rebelled. Notable exceptions were AyyÅ«b Khan’s revolt in 1297-98/1880-81 (arising from the long-standing rivalry between the SadųúÄ« PÅpal³úÄ« and Moḥammad³úÄ« µþÄå°ù²¹°ì³úÄ« for political leadership of the confederation and of Afghanistan) and a riot in QandahÄr in 1338 Š./1959. The long tradition of DorrÄnÄ« loyalty to the state may explain why tribesmen did not join anticommunist guerrillas until comparatively late, after 1358 Š./1979 (Roy, p. 136; for similar late involvement of the DorrÄnÄ« in the anti-British uprising of 1256-57/1841-42, see Yapp, 1963, p. 312; idem, 1964, p. 373). On the other hand, two centuries of political domination of Afghanistan, with associated privileges (see examples in Kakar, pp. 73-74, 83, 99), certainly explain their claim to social superiority over all other ethnic groups in Afghanistan, including other Pashtun tribes (Tapper, 1991, pp. 38 ff.). In the last decades of the royal regime, however, as actual political power became more and more restricted to a narrow circle comprising the Moḥammadzay royal clan and a handful of leading DorrÄnÄ« families who had settled in Kabul as clients of the court, educated non-MoḥammadzËŠÄ« DorrÄnÄ« of lower or provincial extraction gradually sought alternative sources of promotion, rallying to communist groups, mainly ParÄam, where they were heavily represented in the politburo, rather than to Islamic parties, in which they were totally absent from the leadership (Rubin, pp. 87-88; see CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF AFGHANISTAN; COMMUNISM iv).
Tribal affiliation among DorrÄnÄ« gained an entirely new geographical consistency when NÄder Shah returned to them the lands they had lost to the Ḡil³úÄ« in southern Afghanistan (Leech, p. 469; Lockhart, p. 120). He allotted them on a tribal basis that has been broadly retained since that time: ZÄ«rak tribes were given the tracts east of the Helmand and around QandahÄr and PanjpÄy tribes those in the west between the Helmand and SÄ«stÄn. The former are well watered, and ZÄ«rak tribesmen have therefore become mostly agriculturalists; in the early 19th century, however, many peasant families were still living in tents, a clear indication of their former nomadic life (Elphinstone, p. 407). In the western territories, on the contrary, scarcity of water and poorer agricultural potential account for better conservation of nomadic traditions among PanjpÄy tribes. Actually the tribal geography is much more complex than a simple opposition between east and west (for details, see ḤayÄt Khan, tr., pp. 65 ff.). For example, while some NÅ«r³úÄ« were settled east of QandahÄr (Rawlinson, p. 512; Wylie, fol. 1480), µþÄå°ù²¹°ì³úÄ« and Acak³úÄ« clans are also found around ŠÄ«ndand, in the very heart of NÅ«r³úÄ« territory (Gazetteer of Afghanistan III, pp. 344-45; Table 37). On the other hand, in the late 18th century conquests of the HazÄra expanded DorrÄnÄ« territory toward the north, into lower OrozgÄn (Rawlinson, p. 517). The present tribal geography is therefore blurred, all the more so as migrations and deportations have resulted in the spread of the DorrÄnÄ« from their homeland in southern Afghanistan, always for political, rather than demographic, reasons.
Northern Afghanistan has been the main target of DorrÄnÄ« out-migration. Two different waves of colonization, both sponsored by successive Afghan governments, can be distinguished. The first and least documented followed Aḥmad Shah’s imperial conquests (Ross, p. 31; de Planhol, 1973, p. 8; idem, 1976, p. 286, noting the toponym SÄkzay, of unequivocal DorrÄnay origin). The second, more important wave of colonization took place in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the Afghan amirs systematically organized the colonization of depopulated µþÄå»åḡīs and Afghan Turkestan, relying massively on their DorrÄnÄ« cotribalists. Several thousand DorrÄnÄ« families migrated north, most of them from the nomadic clans of the PanjpÄy tribes (·¡²õḥÄq³úÄ«, then NÅ«r³úÄ«; Tapper, 1973; idem, 1983; Table 37). Known locally as “QandahÄrÄ«,” wherever they actually came from, in their new locations they succeeded in acquiring political and economic leadership out of proportion to their numbers (e.g., only 10 percent of the total population of Sar-e Pol district in the 1970s; Tapper, 1991, p. 30).
Aside from the Acak³úÄ«, whose tribal territory straddles the present Afghan-Pakistani boundary between QandahÄr and Quetta, several DorrÄnÄ« tribes also include minorities established east of Afghanistan, even as far as the Deccan (ḤayÄt Khan, tr., p. 66). They are concentrated mainly in the Punjab. Best known among them are the so-called Multani Pathans, actually SadųúÄ« (PÅpal³úÄ«) tribesmen. In the mid-17th century some members of the clan fled from Khorasan to MultÄn, in order to escape allegiance to Persia (Nabi Khan, p. 3); they were further reinforced by fellow tribesmen expelled by the Ḡilzay chief MÄ«r Ways Khan in the early 18th century (ḤayÄt Khan, tr., p. 71; Ibbetson, p. 93). Small colonies from the PÅpal³úÄ«, Ê¿AlÄ«³úÄ«, and Al(e)kųúÄ« tribes are also scattered in various other parts of the Punjab (Rose, III, p. 339; ḤayÄt Khan, tr., pp. 65-66, 72 ff.).
Substantial changes in the geographical distribution of the DorrÄnÄ« in and around Afghanistan occurred during the 1980s. Information is scanty, and it remains to be seen whether or not all these changes will last. First, it has been reported that the civil war has produced a flow of return migration of Pashtuns from northern to southern Afghanistan. Second, there has been massive emigration from southern Afghanistan to neighboring Pakistan and Persia (see DIASPORA ix, x). According to a sample survey in 1988, nearly 75 percent of all Afghan refugees in the southern part of Persian Khorasan were DorrÄnÄ«, that is, about 280,000 people (Papoli-Yazdi, p. 62).
Sociocultural characteristics. Although a majority of DorrÄnÄ« are now sedentary peasants or citydwellers (no figures are available), more than 20,000 families, about 110,000 people, were still nomads in 1357 Š./1978 (Table 37). Most of them belonged to the PanjpÄy league for historical reasons (see above). Their summer pastures are mainly in the mountains of ḠÅr (Balland), where they compete with the local ´¡²â³¾Äå±ç populations for access to grazing lands. In sharp contrast to the situation in neighboring HazÄrajÄt, where the HazÄra villagers have been overpowered by Pashtun nomads (mainly Ḡil³úÄ«), the ´¡²â³¾Äå±ç have succeeded in keeping control of their territory; the DorrÄnÄ« nomads are considered only ³ó²¹³¾²õÄå²â²¹ (clients). Free legal right to pastureland is normally restricted to owners of springs or arable land in the vicinity, and DorrÄnÄ« nomads must therefore either pay grazing fees to local ´¡²â³¾Äå±ç owners or purchase springs or agricultural lands, which they then rent to ´¡²â³¾Äå±ç tenants (Glatzer, 1977, pp. 97 ff.). Some have settled on land they have bought and become seminomads, on the way to “aymaqization” (e.g., ten Al(e)kųúÄ« families at SÅfak, 10 km northwest of ÄŒaḡÄarÄn).
Seminomadism is otherwise infrequent among DorrÄnÄ«, except in northern Afghanistan (Table 37). Joint families, however, frequently split into purely sedentary households that till the jointly owned lands and purely nomadic ones that take care of the jointly owned herds; shifting from one way of life to the other is easy (Glatzer, 1982; cf. ḤayÄt Khan, tr., p. 66, referring to the NÅ«r³úÄ«). Symbiotic relationships between settled and nomadic populations have thus been achieved on a much larger scale among DorrÄnÄ« than among Ḡil³úÄ«.
DorrÄnÄ« pastoral culture also differs in a number of ways from that of other Pashtun nomads, though this topic has never been thoroughly studied (Ferdinand, 1969, pp. 146 ff.). For example, DorrÄnÄ« use specific types of camel saddle and butter churn, as well as a black barrel-vaulted tent probably of the same origin as that used by the Baluch (Ferdinand, 1959, pp. 37 ff.); they wear somewhat different felt cloaks and shoes; the sexual division of labor among them is also unique, with the men fetching water and the women milking animals; they have a more pronounced handicraft tradition (female weaving, including weaving of the tent cloth); hunting (with hounds) plays a more important role in their daily life; and, finally, trade has never been introduced as an important component of their pastoral life, probably because their winter and summer quarters in Afghanistan are not complementary, with the exception of the Acak³úÄ« clans that migrate across the Afghan-Pakistan boundary to the TÅba highlands (Hughes-Buller, p. 71).
The DorrÄnÄ« confederation has traditionally been governed by a powerful hierarchy of hereditary tribal chiefs (²õ²¹°ù»åÄå°ùs). Kings depended on their support, and they held high positions in both central and provincial governments. Originally responsible for recruiting a feudal cavalry, they were consequently assigned rent-free tenancies (Turk. ³Ù´Ç²âÅ«±ô; Doerfer, II, p. 667-69) and were paid allowances in proportion to the number of horsemen they retained (for an extensive survey, see Rawlinson). They thus became a powerful and respected aristocracy, though also a potential threat to the monarch. Aristocratic government and pervasive state influence, combined with comparatively slight human pressure on agricultural and pastoral lands in southern Afghanistan, explain why feuds were traditionally uncommon among DorrÄnÄ«, aside from competition among chiefs for political power, and their country reputedly quiet (Elphinstone, pp. 389, 404; Gazetteer of Afghanistan V, pp. 145-46).
This peaceful situation has had durable consequences. First, DorrÄnÄ« customary law (²Ô²¹°ùḵ) differs sharply from the standard ±è²¹á¹§tÅ«²Ô·ÉÄå±ôÄ«; for example, the PanjpÄy tribes ignore the maraka (customary law court for minor disputes) and even consider the jerga (assembly of elders for settlement of important problems) a rather unusual institution (oral information; see also Elphinstone, pp. 404-05; Atayee, p. 67). Second, fortified settlements (±ç²¹±ôÊ¿²¹), the architectural expression of mutual distrust between tribal neighbors, are much less common among DorrÄnÄ« than in the rest of the Pashtun area and are restricted to the landed aristocracy (Elphinstone, pp. 407-08). A final distinctive feature of the DorrÄnÄ« is their Pashto dialect, characterized by the so-called “soft” consonants (described in Penzl; see AFGHANISTAN v, vi).
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Table 35. The DorrÄnÄ« Tribes within Pashtun Genealogy
Table 36. Estimates of the Strengths of the DorrÄnÄ« Tribes at various dates (in numbers of families)
Table 37. Pastoral Nomadism among DorrÄnÄ« Tribes in Afghanistan (1978)
(Daniel Balland)
Originally Published: December 15, 1995
Last Updated: November 29, 2011
This article is available in print.
Vol. VII, Fasc. 5, p. 513-519
Daniel Balland, “¶Ù°¿¸é¸éÄ€±·Äª,” Encyclopædia Iranica, VII/5, pp. 513-519, available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/dorrani-1 (accessed on 29 November 2011).
